Sewell Mining Town in Chile

Sewell Mining Town - Chile

Located at 2,000 m in the Andes, 60 kms to the east of Rancagua, in surroundings marked by extremes of the climate, town was built by Sewell Mining by the Braden copper society to 1905 house workers in it what should become the biggest subterranean copper in the world meinig, El Teniente. It is an excellent example of the company towns which were born in many distant parts of the world by the coalescence of the local work and means of an industrialized nation, to meinig and work on high-quality mineral resources. The town was built on a terrain too precipitously for wheeled vehicles around big front stairs which rise to the railway station. Along his way formal squares of the irregular figure with decorative trees and works used the public main rooms or squares of the town. The buildings which line the streets are yellow timber, often painted in the lively green, red and blue. At his point Sewell counted 15,000 inhabitants, but became mainly in the 1970s leave.

Wonderful Universal Importance

Town of Sewell Mining, laid more than 2,200 ms about the sea level, there climbs the infertile slope of lot Kettengebirge of the Andes of central Chile about the biggest subterranean copper in the world meinig, El Teniente up. The first copper companies town in Chile (of the main producers of this metal in the world), the jetzt unoccupied Sewell is an excellent example of the global phenomenon of company towns in which settlements were founded in distant parts of the world to pull out and mineral resources - in this case, to work on high-quality copper. These company towns were created typically by a coalescence of the local work with the outside capital and means. Town of Sewell Mining is especially a state person for his contribution to the global propagation of the full-scale mine technology.

The origins of Sewell go back till 1905 when the Chilean government American mining engineer William Braden authorized to use the meinige copper. In an epic commercial effort built Braden streets, a concentrator work, camp and a railroad which connected this distant place with the town of Rancagua 60 kms away. El Teniente and the town of Sewell were owned by American societies till 1971 when the copper industry was naturalized and became the property of the state which, at the end of 1960, had already become the main shareholder. Sewell had spread out bit by bit to accommodate 15,000 people in 175,000 square meters at the moment of his maximum development in 1968. Then the town slowly lost population when the society dissolved that it was more efficient to move his workers to Rancagua. A process of the demolition ended in the 1990s, as a policy orients for the protection and preservation of the side was carried out.

Sewell is a company town of the big genuineness. This is as the Ciudad de read Escaleras (town of steps) or Ciudad Derramada en el Cerro (town propagation Below the hill) because of his urban configuration on the precipitous Andean slope famously. These dramatic inclinations caused an organic design characterized by an exclusively pedestrian's circulation-system of steps, and paths, with public places built on small open areas between the buildings. The building of buildings and industrial possibilities shows big creativity and quality in the use of the wood and steel. Their architectural expression is marked by the severity, functionality and impression of the modernism.

Most excellent attributes of the property are the industrial installations which use the slope inclination for the Mineralschleifprozess; the buildings which connect houses on the upper floors with the business or services in the first floor; the office buildings, public rooms and pedestrian's circulation-system; the electric infrastructure and drinking water and sewage management systems; the regular and different nets of whistle which cross the town, as well as the Rebolledo bridge; and the urban design and the position of the ensemble in the stiff Andean scenery. Under the industrial installations the Concentrator come out (still in the working rules) and the energy infrastructure, as well as the Punta de Rieles (the end of rails) sector in the highest point on the property. In Sewell a special culture - a combination of the Chilean and American duty was survived hammeredly - with his previous inhabitants and her descendants.

Historical Data

The existence el Teniente copper depositions seems to have been diminished famously and in preb sharp-panic times. During 15. - 17-th centuries were exported raw materials by the Spaniards and then for 200 years there was little activity. In 1897 then the owner of the mine rights began an overview about the copper seams in the area. The gigantic potential of the side finding out, and the fact that the extraction of the copper would require big investment, an approach, was done in 1903 to North American mining engineer William Braden who had taken part in the big exhibit in Santiago in 1894.

Braden came in Chile next year, in 1904, and the begun acquisition of the property. Almost immediately a street was built to the next railroad line on Rancagua. Braden joined to forces with E W Nash, president of the American smelting and the Raffinierung of the society and with cash tone Sewell, to the founder and vice-presidents, they created the Braden copper society.

In the course of the next two years the infrastructure, duty freeing became coordinatedly from the government of Chile for the big amounts of the machinery developed which is to be imported from the United States and meinige stattete from. Before 1906 had been put up the first mill and concentrator, lifting founded and an installed electric generator. All these works enclosed what was then innovative technology, but in extremely distant and hostile surroundings which led at the beginning to repercussions. However, the mining was officially authorized and begun in 1905.

In 1909 withdrawing led in the United States to finance trouble, and fresh capital was injected by a society which hears the home Guggen to brothers who took all together control in 1915 and the Braden copper society became a subsidiary of the Kennecott copper union. The operation base for the company was laid in Rancagua which developed fast as a town. In 1917 the old foundry was substituted to Sewell with more modern in Caletones where a new town also developed.

Although the society, conditions on the meinige one was well-to-do, workers were not good in relation on the industrial safety. In 1945 a major, tragically, seemed to disaster which steered attention on the problems: a fire in the entrance to meinigen sent smoke to the galleries under the suffocation of 355 workers to death. The 'smoke tragedy' led to a government investigation and a widespread national debate on the excessiveness of the security legislation and the power exercised by foreign societies. The society answered, a big department of the industrial safety developing.

By the 1950s Chile had become the second largest copper producer in the world. As a result of 'Chilenization' in 1967 the government of Chile won an interest of 51% meinigen, and in 1971 the industry was naturalized, and the society became a department of the copper union of Chile. This brought club to changes like the El Teniente, the self-service restaurant of the miners and the class of a lodging and other buildings will be torn off.

In this time a decision was brought to move the population of Sewell further below the valley to make available better possibilities. The town was given up as a mine settlement in 1980, in the partial use as a dormitory for the staff of contractors remaining, and this led to the modification of some of the buildings and the other demolition of others. 

Demolition will let, in the end, at the end of the 1980s do hold, and in 1998 the town a national monument was explained. Nevertheless, meinige still acts, and now el Teniente department of the copper union generates 3% of copper of the worlds.

Source:whc/unesco

Qhapaq Ñan, Andean Road System in Chile

This site is a comprehensive Inca communication, trade and defensive net of streets which cover 30,000 kms. Built by the Incas more than several centuries and partly being based on the pre-Inca infrastructure this unusual net by one of the mostly extreme geographic terrains in the world connected the snowy points of the Andes - in a height of more than 6,000 ms - to the coast, hot rain forests, fertile valleys and absolute deserts piercingly. It reached his maximum enlargement in the 15-th century when it spread out about the length and width of the Andes. The Qhapac Ñ in, Andean street system encloses 273 partial side-propagations about more than 6,000 kms which were selected to emphasize social, political, architectural and technology results of the net, together with his linked infrastructure for trade, adaptation and storage, as well as sides of the religious meaning.

Source:whc/unesco

Humberstone and Santa Laura Saltpeter Works in Chile

Humberstone and work of Santa Laura contain more than 200 previous Saltpetre works where workers lived on Chile, Peru and Bolivia in company towns and forged characteristic pampinos culture. This culture is a manifesto into her rich language, creativity, and solidarity, and above all in her pioneer's fight for the social justice which had a deep influence on social history. Put up in the distant pampas, one of the driest deserts on the earth, thousands from pampinos lived and worked in these hostile surroundings for more than 60 years on working on the biggest deposition of the saltpetre in the world from 1880, the fertilizer-sodium nitrate generating, the agricultural lands in the north and South America, and in Europe reshape, and should generate big wealth for Chile. Because of the vulnerability of the structures and the influence of a new earthquake the side was also laid on the list of the world heritage in the danger to help, to mobilize means for his preservation.

Wonderful Universal Importance

In the distant wild pampas, one of the driest deserts on the earth, thousands of people lived and worked from the first half of the 19-th century to work on the biggest deposition of the saltpetre in the world, the fertilizer-sodium nitrate generating which agricultural land reshape in the north and South America, and Europe and big wealth for Chile should generate. Humberstone and work of Santa Laura are preserved the best one, and mostly representing remains from a row of more than 200 saltpetre works are passed which once from which everything were connected by an especially built modern railroad system with each other, and use an unusual report to the technological progress and global exchange which was the cornerstone of the industrial age. In this area lived workers, pulled by Chile, Peru and Bolivia, to these hostile surroundings, in company towns and forged a characteristic Pampinos municipal culture, manifesto into her own rich language, creativity, and solidarity, and above all in the road road for fights for the social justice which had a deep influence in general on the social history.

The industrial heir-page was developed from 1872 and up to middle of the 20-th century; it is laid 45 kms by the harbour of Iquique in the middle of a wild scenery. The property covers a surface area of 573.48 hectares with a buffer zone of 12,055 hectares which encloses two main sides which stand at a distance of about 1 km each other. These complement each other because the industrial zone will better receive from Santa Laura, while Humberstone has better preserved living areas and service areas. The Santa Laura site receives the places to stay of the industrial installations which were used for the saltpetre which goes like industrial installations and equipment, including the only durchfilternden hut and a saltpetre grinder in a procession which intactly today, installations remain for the production iodine, for the energy production and building like the administrative house and the main square. The Humberstone page contains the attributes which express the quality of urban settlements, like the living area, public rooms and the regular grill pattern of the camp with a main square, all around itself the municipal buildings are collected. Other relevant attributes are the places to stay of the railroad line, the Santa Laura and Humberstone, the gravel heaps, the building technologies, architectural styles and materials, in particular costrón and the pampas concrete, characteristic building materials together with the Galmei and timber connected which were brought by other wide.

The places to stay of saltpetre work are also present in the buffer zone which is also significant for the preservation of the qualities of the natural setting of the pampas which illustrate the respect between the built surroundings and the adaptation to the natural setting. Two saltpetre works are the mostly representing remaining tracks of an industry which reshaped the lives of a big relation of the population of Chile, brought big wealth to the land. The production of the industry, nitrate fertilizer, had indirectly a changing influence on available agricultural lands in Europe, and on the recently farmed land in other wide and supported indirectly the agricultural revolution at the end of 19-th century in many parts of the world. The remaining buildings are a report to the social order and technical processes which did the industry.

The social agenda clearing the way of the saltpetre worker's unions had been at a distance far-reaching effects on the labor legislation everywhere in Chile and further. Today the characteristic culture of the Pampinos which developed in connection with the industry which expresses the language, the memory of the saltpetre culture and his influence on the social process has sonority under the local population and is another important attribute of the property. The place still has a strong symbolic and sensory-laden union for the people of the pampas, previous workers and her families who use the place for meetings and memory like saltpetre week.

Historical Data

From pre-Hispanic times local people used in the area, the Atacamenos and the Incas, nitrate as a fertilizer, pulling out and the saltpetre dragging and it on fields spreading out. The first Europeans used the saltpetre for explosive materials. The mineral was diminished and sent on ahead mule to Lima to be worked on in gunpowder. The increase in the inquiry for explosive materials by the end of 18-th century led to investigation of new fields in northern Chile and the discovery of the Tarapaca seams. In the same time a German scientist, Thadeus Haencke discovered how one manufactured potassium nitrate. The first saltpetre work were opened in 1810. These were small individual machine operators who pulled out and crushed the material with the hand, it in easy barrels cooked and left it in the sun to evaporate. The first broadcastings became done to Great Britain in the 1820s and to the USA and France in the 1830s, everything for the use in explosive materials.

Its fertilizing qualities were discovered in Europe in the 1830s, and inquiry started climbing up as a grain production which is begun to spread out to unused lands in the USA, Argentina and Russia. The fertilizer which is also begun to be used for coffee in Brazil, sugar in Cuba and the Dominican Republic. Chile became the main world producer of the natural nitrate. What reshaped the scale and the elbowroom of the works a new technology going in a procession develops from the Chilean Pedro Gamboni in 1853 was to dissolve saltpetre. To install the encouraged owner in addition, fastened equipment: Boiler, troughs etc. and wide houses for workers from. The second factor was improved transport: until the railroads came in the second half of the 19-th century, the transport to the coast on packhorse's mules limited the scale of the industry. The railroads wide to itself fast, promoted by the private investment from: before 1905 there were 1,787 kms of the track and before 1913, 5,000 kms.

In 1879 the so-called saltpetre war gave involving Chile, of Bolivia and Peru (who supported Bolivia) superiority of Chile of the industry. The after-effects encouraged European investment, and this acted after the row as a deduction for a wave in the economy of the nation. Before 1890 saltpetre was responsible for 50% of the complete income of the land; before 1913 80% of all his exports. The First World War brought awful results for the saltpetre producers. The lake ways were begun uncertainly and Germany, one of the biggest importers, to develop his own saltpetre being based on synthetic ammonia. However as European investors withdrew, Chilean participation increased. Inquiry still placed away to bend and in spite of the Umstrukturierens, the development of the Chilean saltpetre society (COSACH) gap between state and private investors, and a new production system which permitted the use of lower rank ore the market did not improve, and COSACH was unwound. Before the 1930s only 10% of the nitrate came in the world from Chile, and this had liked on 3% before the 1950s. The successor to COSACH, COSATAN who had a monopoly on the saltpetre, survived till 1961. The Peruvian nitrate society built Humberstone saltpetre work, originally known as a La Palma in 1862. Till 1889 it was to one of the biggest saltpetre pits in Tarapac á zone with about 3,000 inhabitants. With the economic crisis which concerned the whole production of the sodium nitrate, La Palma was closed to be reopened 1933 under the property right of the COSACH and the camp of the name by which this is known now, the Humberstone saltpetre work in the tribute to the Chemotechniker Humberstone. Between 1933 and 1940 the operations were spread out, new buildings built around the marketplace and the population reached 3,700 people.

Work of Santa Laura, built ten years after Humberstone in 1872 by ' Barra y Risco ' society, was smaller and had only 450 families in 1920. After the verges on each other of the following crisis it was also taken over by COSATAN. In 1959 COSATAN was unwound, and two works was closed, in the end. The works were auctioned in 1961. Both were bought from the same private individual for the piece. To avoid them, are destroyed, were explained the qualities national monuments in 1970. This has not stopped quite drastic decay, raids and vandalism and some dismantling. After the owner did in 1995 bankruptcy, the qualities came under the control of ' Ministerio de Bienes Nacionale (National investment ministry), and they have them in the long run from thirty years to the saltpetre museum union, a charitable organization assigned which has taken over the management.

Source:whc/unesco

Significant Quarter of the Seaport City of Valparaíso in Chile

Significant Quarter of the Seaport City of Valparaíso - Chile

The colonial city of Valparaíso presents an excellent example of late 19th-century urban and architectural development in Latin America. In its natural amphitheatre-like setting, the city is characterized by a vernacular urban fabric adapted to the hillsides that are dotted with a great variety of church spires. It contrasts with the geometrical layout utilized in the plain. The city has well preserved its interesting early industrial infrastructures, such as the numerous ‘elevators’ on the steep hillsides.

Wonderful Universal Importance

Located on central Chile’s Pacific coast, the Historic Quarter of the Seaport City of Valparaíso represents an extraordinary example of industrial-age heritage associated with the international sea trade of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The city was the first and most important merchant port on the sea routes of the Pacific coast of South America that linked the Atlantic and Pacific oceans via the Strait of Magellan. It had a major commercial impact on its region from the 1880s until the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914. After this date its development slowed, allowing its harbour and distinctive urban fabric to survive as an exceptional testimony to the early phase of globalisation.

Valparaíso’s historic quarter is located on the coastal plain and part way up the steep surrounding hills, where the city first developed. It is composed of five interlaced neighbourhoods: La Matriz Church and Santo Domingo Square, located between the hills and the plain and comprised of the church and late 19th-century buildings typical of the seaport architecture; Echaurren Square and Serrano Street, predominantly commercial in character and marked by the presence of the Port Market, commercial establishments and active street trade; Prat Pier and Sotomayor and Justicia squares, comprising the main transversal axis of the area and containing the largest public spaces; the Prat Street and Turri Square area around the foothill, featuring a number of examples of monumental architecture; and the two hills of Cerro Alegre and Cerro Concepción, a single neighbourhood planned and developed to a large extent by German and English immigrants, with squares, viewing points, promenades, alleyways, stairways and the top stations of some of Valparaíso’s distinctive funicular elevators.

The outstanding nature of the historic quarter of Valparaíso results from a combination of three factors, all associated with its role as a port: its particular geographical and topographical environment; its urban forms, layout, infrastructure and architecture; and its attraction to and influence by people from around the world. The character of Valparaíso was strongly marked by the geography of its location: the bay, the narrow coastal plains (largely artificial) and the steep hills scored by multiple ravines together created the city’s amphitheatre-like layout. Adaptation of the built environment to these difficult geographical conditions produced an innovative and creative urban ensemble that stressed the particularities of each architectural object, grounded in the technological and entrepreneurial mindset typical of the era. Consistent with its pre-eminence, the city was populated and influenced by people from around the world. The urban fabric and cultural identity of Valparaíso are thus distinguished by a diversity that sets it apart from other Latin American cities. From an urban perspective, the result of this challenging geography, modernizing impulse and intercultural dialogue is a fully original American city with the stamp of the late 19th century upon it.

Wide Report

The city of Valparaíso, the second largest in Chile, is exceptional testimony to the early phase of globalization in the late 19th century. It is located on the Pacific coast some 100 km north of Santiago, in the centre of the country. The geography of Valparaíso consists of a bay, a narrow coastal plain and a series of hills. The World Heritage site is located between the sea and the first terrace, in the area where the city first developed; it comprises part of the plain and surrounding hills, and is composed of five interlaced neighbourhoods:

La Matríz Church and Santo Domingo Square lies between the hills and the plain. It is spatially linked with Plaza Echaurren and its surroundings, as well as with Cerro Santo Domingo. The architecture of La Matríz Church (1842), Valparaíso's founding church, although rebuilt four times after destruction by pirates and earthquakes, is typical transition between colonial and republican styles.It is surrounded by late 19th-century buildings, typical of the seaport architecture. The Plaza La Matríz is the centre of Valparaíso's most traditional religious activities.

Echaurren Square and Serrano Street has a predominantly commercial character, marked by the presence of the Port Market, commercial establishments, and active street trade. The buildings represent three types: 'block building' or 'island building', facing four streets; 'head building', facing three streets; and buildings facing two streets. The most outstanding among the block-buildings is the Astoreca Building (1906), built for commercial and residential purposes in a symmetrical and orthogonal order.

Prat Pier, Sotomayor and Justicia Squares and the Sea Museum Quarter comprises the main transversal axis of the area and has the largest public spaces. The square is surrounded by administrative and service buildings of different periods and styles. The Sea Museum, at the top of Cerro Cordillera, stands on the site of the old San José Castle, a fortress built to repel the attacks of corsairs and pirates.

The Prat Street and Turri Square area evolves around the foothill and stretches out from Plaza Sotomayor to the beginning of Esmeralda Street, encompassing the Plazuela Turri as a singular public space. The area presents the markedly rectangular block characteristic of the plain, as well as its typical buildings, with frontage towards two or three streets. The buildings are examples of monumental architecture in their volume and formal expression.

The two hills of Cerro Alegre and Cerro Concepción, separated by Urriola Street, form a single neighbourhood. To a large extent, this was planned and developed by German and English immigrants, starting from the first half of the 19th century. The area combines the different types of public space of Valparaíso: squares, viewing points, promenades, alleyways, stairways, the elevators' top stations, and the havens usually formed by street intersections and bifurcations. Valparaíso used to have as many as 30 elevators, the oldest of which, the Concepción Elevator, was inaugurated in 1883. Generally, they have two wooden or metal cars, moving simultaneously in opposite directions. They are mounted on a platform to which are attached the wheels.

The territory was originally inhabited by Chango Indians, who lived on farming and fishing. The site was discovered by Juan de Saavedra in 1536, and the settlement was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in 1544, and it was designated the first port of the nation in 1554. After a disastrous earthquake in 1730, the inhabitants were forced to move on to the hillsides, thus developing the most characteristic feature of the town. From this time on, most of the settlement developed over the hills. The main economic resource gradually shifted from wheat to saltpetre. Following this development, the town was articulated into areas characterized by their principal activities, such as commerce, harbour, industry and business.

Historical Description

The territory was originally inhabited by Chango Indians, who lived on farming and fishing. The site of Valparaíso in the Valley of Quintil, on the Pacific coast, was discovered by Juan de Saavedra in 1536. The settlement was founded by Pedro de Valdivia in 1544, and it was designated the first port of the nation in 1554. The settlement developed first in the areas known as Juna Gomez (today Carampangue), San Francisco, and San Agustin. At the end of the 16th century, a road connection was built from Valparaíso to Santiago. The Spanish immigrants introduced the Catholic faith, and built the first chapel in the settlement village, at the foot of the San Francisco ravine. The church of La Matríz was built there in 1658, followed by the construction of the fortresses. At this time, other religious orders arrived, including the Augustinians and the Franciscans, and the settlement started taking shape. The commercial centre and the warehouses occupied the main coastal area. The opening of Cape Horn meant intensive wheat trading from Valparaíso to El Callao in the 18th century. The urban layout developed mainly around two focal points, the seaport with the commercial centre, and the Almendral beach area with farmhouses and small businesses. After a disastrous earthquake in 1730, the inhabitants were forced to move on the hillsides, thus developing the most characteristic feature of the town. From this time on, most of the settlement developed over the hills. With the independence of Chile in 1810, Valparaíso soon became the most important harbour town on the Pacific coast. This meant commercial transactions with Europe as well as with the United States, ending Chile's dependence on Spain. Around 1839-40, Valparaíso was granted independent administrative status as an Intendencia, and in 1842 it became the capital of the Province of Valparaíso, with fiscal warehouses and the Stock Exchange. At this time, the town attracted great numbers of immigrants from England, France, Germany, and the United States, contributing to the development of shipping and commerce. This influence can still be appreciated on the streets at the foot of hills in Arsenal (now Bustamante), La Planchada (now Serrano), La Aduana (now Prat) and Del Cabo (now Esmeralda). The city acquired a cosmopolitan image. In the 1840s and 1850s, more warehouses were built between the present Aduana Square and the Duprat fortress. In 1852, a railway was built to the inner cities of the region and to the capital, Santiago. In the second half of the 19th century, the position of Valparaíso was further strengthened as the main harbour and commercial centre of the country, and its activities included mining activities with Tarapaca and Antofagasta. The main economic resource gradually shifted from wheat to saltpetre. Following this development, the town was articulated into areas characterized by their principal activities, such as commerce, harbour, industry, and business. The streets of Planchada and Aduana were the main areas for diplomatic missions, banks, and international agencies. Between 1847 and 1870, Valparaíso attained its characteristic identity as a commercial and financial centre. The town expanded, and the chain of hills was connected by the Cintura highway some 100 m above the sea, based on the project by Fermin Vivaceta in 1872.

In 1903, the electrical train system started operating, providing the first change to the 19th century urban environment. In 1906, a violent earthquake struck the region, causing damage especially in the downtown area, and leading to substantial reconstruction programmes. In addition, the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the national independence gave a further incentive to erect public, commercial, and private buildings of high quality. In 1914, however, the opening of the Panama Channel meant that Valparaíso lay aside from the great commercial routes between the two oceans. The economic crisis of saltpetre reduced the importance of the port, and, at the same time, Santiago consolidated its status as the political and economic centre of the country. The world economic crisis in 1929 further contributed to the change. Nevertheless, Valparaíso continued its development, even though facing serious social and economic problems. As a result, solutions were sought, and new construction activities expanded in the upper zones of the city, including the areas of Juan Gomez, San Francisco, San Juan de Dios, and de Jaime, the present Francia Avenue.

Source:whc/unesco

National Park Rapa Nuiin in Chile

National Park Rapa Nuiin - Chile

Rapa Nui, the local name of the Easter island, confirms to a unique cultural phenomenon. A society of the Polynesian origin which sat down there c. A.D. 300 a strong, highly imaginative and original tradition of the gigantic sculpture and architecture, freely from every outside influence founded. From 10. to the 16-th century this society built shrines and put up huge stone figures famously as moai which created an unrivalled cultural scenery which continues to fascinate people worldwide.

Wonderful Universal Importance

Rapa Nui national park is a protected Chilean animal and wildlife world-area laid in the Easter island which concentrates the legacy of the Rapa Nui culture. This culture showed unusual qualities which are expressed in the unique architecture and sculpture within the Polynesian connection. Easter island, the most distant inhabited island on the planet, is 3,700 kilometers of the coast of continental Chile and has an area of 16,628 hectares, while the world heritage property takes an area of about 7000 hectares including four nearby islets.

The island was settled in at the end of the first millennium of the Christian calendar by a small group of colonists of eastern Polynesia whose culture commented between the eleventh and seventeenth centuries in big works like ahu - ceremonious platforms - and carved moai - gigantic statues - showing of forefathers. Rapa Nui national park the most prominent attributes are the archaeological sides. It is estimated that there are about 900 statues, more than 300 ceremonious platforms and thousands of structures linkedly with the agriculture, burial rites, lodging and production, and other types of activities. Prominent under the archaeological pieces it are moai which apply by the height of 2 ms to 20 ms and are carved mainly by the yellow-brown lava tuff, an easy Auswahlen (toki) done from hard basalt using, and then below the slope in before dug holes lowered.

There are many kinds of them and different dimensions: those in the process to be carved those in the process, to be moved to her final destinations - ahu-, those which torn down and are put up. The stone quarries (Rano Raraku and other) are incalculable proofs of the process of her Schnitzens. Ahu change substantially in the size and form; the most gigantic one is the Ahu Tongariki with his 15 moai. There are certain invariable qualities, in particular an upraised rectangular platform of big worked on stones fullly with remains, a ramp often paved with around done beach pebble stones, and flattened area before the platform. Also extremely valuably are the rock-art sides (the pictograms and petroglyphs) which enclose a big variety of styles, technologies and motives. Other archaeological sides are the caves which also contain rock art. There is also a village of the ceremonious nature called Orongo which comes out because of his position and architecture. While it has not drawn so much attention,

According to certain studies the exhaustion of mineral resources had caused an ecological crisis and the decline of the old Rapa Nui society from the 16-th century which made in addition bend and to the spiritual transformation in which these megalithic monuments were destroyed. The original cult of the forefather was substituted with the cult of the man's bird which has the ceremonious village of Orongo, laid in the Rano Chewing volcano as an unusual report. 54 half-subterranean stone houses of elliptical plans complement this holy place, richly decorated with petroglyphs which leads on the man's bird as well as on fertility. This cult would see his end in the middle of the nineteenth century.

Colonization, the introduction of the livestock, the restriction of the original inhabitants to smaller areas, the dramatic effect from foreign illnesses and, above all, slavery, reduced the population of Rapa Nui not enough more than 100. At the moment the island is inhabited by descendants of the old Rapa Nui as well as immigrants of different backgrounds, for a significant mixing population responsibly being.

Wide Report

Rapa Nui contains one of the amazing cultural phenomena in the world. An artistic and architectural tradition of the big power and imagination was developed by a society completely in isolation from cultural outside influence of every kind for about a millennium. The essential one remains from this cultural mixture with her natural surroundings to create a unique cultural scenery. The island was put all around A.D. 300 of Polynesians probably by the Marquesas who completely brought Stone Age society with them. All cultural elements in Rapa Nui before the arrival of Europeans register that there were no other incoming groups. Between the 10th and 16-th centuries breitete to itself the island community firmly, settlements from which are put up along the practically complete coastal line. The highly cultural level of this society is known by his gigantic stone figures (moai) and ceremonious shrines (ahu) best of all; this is also notable for a form from pictographic which writes (rongo rongo), till present undeciphered one. However, there was an economic and social crisis in the community in the 16-th century, ascribing of the overpopulation and environmental decay. This ran out to the population which is divided into two separate groups of clan who in the war were enclosed constantly. The warrior's class which developed from this situation caused the so-called bird's expert-cult, being based on the small islands of the coast Orongo which substituted for the statue building religion and threw below mostly and slighted most moai and ahu.

On Easter Sunday in 1722 Jacob Roggveen of the Dutch East India Company bumped into the island and gave him his European name. It was added to Chile in 1888. The most famous archaeological qualities of Rapa Nui are moai as one believes who represent holy forefathers who watch over the villages and ceremonious areas. They apply by the height of 2 ms to 20 ms and are carved mainly from scoria, an easy Auswahlen (toli) are made by hard basalt using, and then lowered below the slope in before dug holes. Several moai are still in an incomplete condition in the stone quarries, valuable information about the method of the manufacturing giving. Some have confessed big cylindrical pieces of the red stone as pukao, pulled out from the small volcano Punapao as a headdress: as one believes, this special ritual status registers. There is a clear stylistic evolution in the form and size moai, from earlier small, round-headed and with big eyes figures to the best of all known big, extended figures with carefully carved fingers, nostrils, long ears, and other qualities.

The shrines (ahu) change substantially in the size and form. There are certain invariable qualities, in particular an upraised rectangular platform of big worked on stones fullly with remains, a ramp often paved with around done beach pebble stones, and flattened area before the platform. Some have moai on them, and there are tombs in several them in whom Skelett-bleibt, have been discovered. Ahu are laid in general on the coast and oriented parallel in addition. The Orongo ceremonious village which was probably the center of a Komplexs of religious practise linked with the bird's expert-cult exists of more than fifty half-subterranean stone houses built in groups bordering each other, laid on the edge Leading crater of Kay under a high cliff. There is richly remains from the stone houses of the earlier inhabitants of the island built (hare). The houses were raised on the basalt foundation and form the core for linked structures like stoves or stoves, farm buildings and stone chickens houses. Close to the coast laid clusters of homes are sometimes combined with round stone towers. The nature of the geology of the island in such which is many caves (Ana) around the coast of the island and these were used in the past by the islanders as temporary from lasting apartments, are converted by the establishment of stone walls in her mouths. Several contain these wall paintings of divinities, birds and fertility symbols.

Historical Data

Rapa Nui was put all around A.D. 300 of Polynesians probably by the Marquesas who completely brought Stone Age society with them. All cultural elements in Rapa Nui before the arrival of Europeans register that there were no other incoming groups; they exclude many hypotheses which have been brought forward with regard to the settlement of South America, Melanesia, Egypt, or elsewhere. According to the island tradition the settling exploratory expedition was led by fifty people in two canoes of the king Hotu Matu'a. Between the 10th and 16-th centuries breitete to itself the island community firmly, small settlements from which are put up along the practically complete coastal line. The highly cultural level of this society was high, and is known by his gigantic stone figures best of all which developed from this situation, caused the so-called ' bird's expert ' cult, being based on the small islands of the coast Orongo which substituted for the statue building religion and was instrumental in most moai and ahu which is thrown below and slighted.

On Easter Sunday in 1722 Jacob Roggeveen of the Dutch east society of India bumped into the island, and gave him his European name. The Spaniards, led by the Kapitän-Don Felipe Gonzalez, demanded the island in 1770, it San Carlos to honor of Carlos III calling. The famous English researcher, captain James Cook, was short there in 1774, and his big French contemporary, the Comte de la Perouse in 1786. Whale catchers began to visit the island at the beginning of the 19-th century, with them venereal illness bringing which laid waste the population. However, the most disastrous influence on the society of the island and culture came in the 1860s when Peruvian slave traders carried away about 2000 islanders, including the king and the priests in 1862. As a result of public protests about 100 of them on a ship to be taken back to the island in 1865 were brought. However, fallow smallpox aboard and only fifteen islanders from who are survived to return to Rapa Nui, with them the illness bringing which led this to an epidemic. The island was added through Chile in 1888 in the belief that it had strategical and economic potential, but the mainland farmers who sat down there found that agriculture was not gainful. A sheep ranch was successful temperately, but the rent of the society which leads this operation was revoked in 1952, and the Chilean navy took control of the island. In the 1960s civil management, Easter island which is given the status of a department within the province by Valparaiso was continued. Now the population is approximate 2000 people, about one third of them of Chile and the rest descendants of the original Polynesian colonists.

Source:whc/unesco

Churches of Chiloé In Chile

Churches of Chiloé - Chile

The churches of Chiloé forms a unique example in Latin America an excellent form of ecclesiastical wooden architecture. They represent a tradition started by the Jesuit Itinerant Mission in the 17th and 18th century, continued and enriched by the Franciscans in the 19th century and is still prevailing today. These churches represent the intangible wealth of the Chiloé Archipelago, witnesses of a successful mix of indigenous and European culture, the full integration of the architecture in the landscape and the environment, as well as on the spiritual values of the communities.

Justification for Inscription

The churches of Chiloé are excellent examples of successful mix of European and indigenous cultural traditions to a unique form of wooden architecture. The mestizo pop would be defined as pop culture as a result of Jesuit missionaries in the 17th and 18th century has survived intact in the Chiloé Archipelago, and reached its highest expression in the excellent wooden churches.

Description

The churches of Chiloé are excellent examples of successful mix of European and indigenous cultural traditions to a unique form of wooden architecture. The mestizo pop would be defined as pop. Culture as a result of Jesuit missionaries in the 17th and 18th century has survived intact in the Chiloé Archipelago, and reached its highest expression in the excellent wooden churches. In the 16th century the inhabitants of the Chiloé Archipelago, which extends from the Chacao channel to the Corcovado Gulf, followed a sedentary way of life, on the basis of a mixed agriculture and fisheries economy. Spanish navigators discovered the archipelago by half of the 16th century, but colonisation only started 1567 with Martin Ruiz de Gamboa founded the cities of Santiago Castro and Chacao on Isla Grande de Chiloé.

Following an exploratory visit in 1608, the Association of Jesus began sends its members to initiate the process of evangelization that was to shape the cultural characteristics of the archipelago. At first these missions are not permanently occupied, but in the course of time the Jesuits began building chapels and shelter for their members, compiled by the local community with local materials and techniques. It seemed, chosen from the most prominent families, to serve as de fiscales progresistas, the care of the church and the cemetery and minister the spiritual needs of the community. This was in the Jesuit tradition, which encouraged active development of their social and religious life of indigenous communities. At the end of the 19th century more than 100 churches were built; between 50 and 60 are able to survive in the current day. And 14 of these are the World Heritage site: Achao (Quinchao); Quinchao; Castro; Rilán (Castro); Nercón (Castro); Aldachildo (Puqueldón); Ichuac (Puqueldón); Detif (Puqueldón); Vilipulli (Chonchi); Chonchi; Tenaún (Quemchi); Colo (Quemchi); San Juan (Dalcahue); and Dalcahue.

The traditional Chiloé churches are located in the vicinity of the coast, with a view of the esplanade, which in some cases has been developed into a real plaza (Achao, Dalcahue), but elsewhere is not more than an open space bordered by a fence or trees (Quinchao). The size is determined by the importance of the religious festivals that take place. The churches consists of a large quantity of with a sloping roof. The most typical feature of these buildings is the tower facade, on the side of the esplanade, which consists of an entrance portico, the sloped wall or pediment, and the tower itself. This was the focus of urban development in these communities.

The portico is a feature of the earlier churches, but there is built in the 20th century. The tower is the dominant vertical function, both as a religious element in support of the cross and also as a beacon for sailors. Most are of two or three levels, with hexagonal or octagonal drums windguard limited resistance. Only at Tenaún there are smaller flanking towers. The horizontal part of the church, but depth is favored over width. They correspond to an earth basilican plan with three aisles, only the central part of the gate. The aisles are separated by solid wooden columns on stone blocks; this aid a huge radius which forms the ridge. In most cases the main nave is barrel-vaulted, the accompanying aisles with flat roofs. Achao with its segmented ceiling and Rilán with fan vaults are rare exceptions. The latter is clearly influenced by Gothic architecture and components of other major architectural styles can be recognized - classicism in Chonchi, Renaissance and Baroque of Achao Nercón on. Everywhere there is abundant evidence of the Chilota control of woodworking. The characteristic shape and materials of the churches show virtually no difference more than four centuries. The decoration of the churches is plentiful and varied. All churches are skillfully adapted to their physical environment. They are built on slopes to prevent floods in heavy rainfall, and the ground. The north sides are protected against storm, which usually come from this direction. They are fully closed structures, such as protection against wind and rain, which can be heavy in this region.

Historical Data

In the 16th century the inhabitants of the Chiloé Archipelago followed a sedentary way of life, on the basis of a mixed agriculture and fisheries economy. Spanish navigators discovered the Archipelago by half of the 16th century, but colonisation only started 1567 with Martin Ruiz de Gamboa founded the cities of Santiago Castro and Chacao on Isla Grande Chiloé. The Spaniards were impressed by the mild, open nature of the local population. The universal feature system was applied, with the indigenous people paid tribute to the Spanish crown by the settlers in exchange for food and provide religious instruction. There are occasional indigenous stands, of which the most serious occurred in 1712, caused by the harsh treatment of the indigenous population by the encomenderos time, accused the Jesuits have inspired the uprising, which was brutally repressed.

Missionaries had arrived with the first settlers from the orders of St Francis and Our Lady of Mercy. After an exploratory visit in 1608, the Association of Jesus began sends its members to initiate the process of evangelization that was to shape the cultural characteristics of the archipelago, and this results in the construction of the churches, which figure in the current appointment.

The Jesuit strategy was encapsulated in the ambulatory Mission. Annual tours were by Jesuits setting from their College in Castro during the temperate months. They spent a few days at each of their missions according to a planned schedule; the missions was close to the shore, so that these trips are made by boat. While we have now would attend to the spiritual and material needs of the communities. At first these missions are not permanently occupied, but in the course of time the Jesuits began building chapels and shelter for their members, compiled by the local community with local materials and techniques. It seemed, chosen from the most prominent families, to serve as de fiscales progresistas, the care of the church and the cemetery and minister the spiritual needs of the community. This was in the Jesuit tradition, which encouraged active development of their own social and religious life of indigenous communities. At the end of the 19th century had built more than a hundred churches, between fifty and sixty survive to this day.

Pirate raids were a feature of the 17th century, and the Spaniards live in the cities started to release in favor of increased safety on the countryside. They took over the lands of the indigenous population, the growing racial and cultural assimilation between the two groups. The most Chilota group in the Archipelago is the result of this process of crossing (mestizaje).  Christianity was embraced by the inhabitants while the Spaniards who the local language, Veliche (now extinct), for communication. The Spaniards also took the way of life of the local population, the fisheries and agriculture and the use of their technologies.

When the Jesuits were expelled in 1767 their work was continued by the Franciscans, who appreciate the value of the Jesuits' work and remain active. They used the Itinerant Mission as the basis for the creation of nine centers, each with its own work. This would be the current parish system, created in 1840. Despite the efforts of the Spanish colonial power, the cities were not more than administrative centers and by the time colonial domination came to an end there were not more than five cities (villas) on Chiloé. The strategic importance of the archipelago was recognized, and therefore was dependent on the captaincy General of Lima and not so much that of Chile. The military garrison was stationed in the fort of San Carlos de Ancud, founded in 1768.

The Chilota population was very loyal to the Spanish Crown. When the fight for Chilean independence began in 1810, Chiloé was the seat of the Spanish operation to restore Chile and Peru. Although this failed, Chiloé remained a Spanish enclave after Chile finally won its independence in 1818; it remained the last gaining a toehold of Spanish domination in South America until he was included in the new Republic eight years later.

Chiloé enjoyed a period of prosperity in the 19th century. The ports were visited by ships to the south and are wooden was a major export. This came to an end at the end of the century, as a result of the opening of the Panama Canal, and the excessive exploitation of the islands' cypress and larch trees. In the first half of the 20th century the economy also with serious problems in the agriculture and livestock farming. As a result, there was a large emigration Chilota south, to Patagonia and the Magallanes Straits. At the moment the economy of the archipelago has been developed on the basis of the controlled industrial exploitation of natural resources (wood and fish) and agriculture and fishing.

Source:whc/unesco